Leonardo Scatturice is known for many things – some true, others embellished and some that he’s let circulate freely. One oft-repeated story, now more myth than anecdote, is that he has a bullet lodged in one buttock. He doesn’t go around flaunting it, but people who’ve known him a long time insist it’s real. The incident apparently dates back to the early 2000s, when he was still active in nightlife circles, picking up odd jobs with the Buenos Aires Province police force and cultivating ties with that part of the state which doesn’t always wear a uniform: Argentina’s intelligence services.
He had strong connections with both the police and the now-defunct SIDE (Secretaría de Inteligencia de Estado). His strength lay in placing himself near interesting conversations and earning people’s trust. That’s how he met police commissioner Alejandro Elorz, who would later become his mentor. Years later, they set up a private aviation firm operating out of Aeroparque Jorge Newbery. Whether it was a profitable business or just a tidy front is unclear, but the bond between them was close, almost familial.
The bullet story comes from an unannounced visit to his home, likely a settling of scores, from which he managed to escape. It didn’t end in tragedy, but the scar remains as a lasting reminder that the edge of legality can cut deep.
This week, Scatturice came under scrutiny over a judicial case that has been simmering since February and that is now threatening to boil over. A staffer at his tech firm OCP Tech, Laura Belén Arrieta, entered Argentina on a private flight – operated by another of Scatturice’s companies – carrying luggage which, according to the courts, bypassed customs inspection. The plane landed at Aeroparque on February 26, 2025 and remained in the country until March 3. Since then, the incident has turned into a moving legal target.
A joint report by the Economic Crime Prosecutor’s Office and the Public Prosecutor’s Office for Administrative Investigations found multiple irregularities with the flight’s arrival, stay, and departure. These include customs oversights, failures in migration procedures, and suspicious details such as the lack of scanned baggage – now confirmed to be 10 suitcases, not five as initially reported – and the absence of official security while the aircraft was on the ground.
Another red flag: official records show the flight originated from Fort Lauderdale, but the co-pilot later said they departed from Opa-locka, another Florida airport often used by Scatturice’s aviation firms.
Co-pilot Juan Pablo Pinto, who is also on Scatturice’s payroll, submitted a detailed legal statement defending the trip and taking responsibility for some of Arrieta’s bags. He claimed all luggage had been declared and accused the media of creating a “reckless and irresponsible scandal.” He supported his version with receipts and Amazon order screenshots.
Pinto insisted that customs and airport police had inspected the plane and that two bags were left on board for the return flight. From his point of view, everything was above board.
But prosecutors Claudio Navas Rial and Sergio Rodríguez weren’t convinced. They have reconstructed the timeline using official images, staff testimonies, and flight records, and requested further evidence from Economic Crimes Judge Pablo Yadarola. They also flagged that the crew and sole passenger may not have properly completed migration procedures.
One scene in particular – seemingly lifted straight from a Netflix drama – raised eyebrows. During inspection, Arrieta handed a phone to a Customs officer, who then gave a subtle nod and thumbs-up. That simple gesture triggered a new line of inquiry. Prosecutors now want to know whose phone it was and what was said during that moment. Was someone on the other end giving clearance for the suitcases?
The scandal has not only landed Scatturice in legal trouble – it’s also become a political headache for President Javier Milei’s administration. Scatturice operates as a lobbyist in the United States, offering his services to various Argentine government agencies.
Through Scatturice’s lobbying firm, Tactic Global – which lists its activities with the US Department of Justice – he advises Argentina’s Intelligence Secretariat on liaising with Washington, and vice versa. The company is headed by Barry Bennet, a former Trump adviser.
A recent photo of Bennet, Scatturice, and Donald Trump at a performance of Les Misérables was circulated by the Milei government to bolster Scatturice’s legitimacy.
The Scatturice business web
Scatturice holds active contracts with at least three national government departments via his OCP Tech firm. Between late 2024 and early 2025, he won lucrative public tenders with the Economy Ministry, the President’s Office and the Education Secretariat.
In October 2024, OCP Tech secured a 36-month contract to supply servers and professional services to the Economy Ministry’s datacentre. In December, it was among the firms selected to provide IT equipment to the Office of the President.
His most significant deal came via Esteban Bullrich, the former education minister. It involves Educar SA, the state-run firm managing the digital network that connects 41,600 schools across the country. That critical contract, for the Conectar Igualdad plan, was renewed first under former president Alberto Fernández and again by Milei in October 2024 for some US$60 million.
Scatturice met Manuel Vidal, then working under Bullrich, during the era of former president Mauricio Macri. Vidal is now a close adviser to Milei’s top presidential advisor Santiago Caputo. If one were to trace Scatturice’s path into Milei’s inner circle, it would likely lead through Vidal.
All of Scatturice’s operations are monitored from the United States, where he is applying for a green card. His lawyers have advised him not to leave the country, meaning he hasn’t returned to Argentina in over two years.
Scatturice settled in Miami after a stint in Panama – a self-imposed exile to avoid potential legal trouble stemming from the so-called “Dark Star” case, in which his phone was tapped by Antonio ‘Jaime’ Stiuso, the once-feared SIDE spymaster. Stiuso was reportedly tracking contacts linked to Fernando Pocino’s faction of the intelligence services, with whom Scatturice had ties.
The internal turf war between Stiuso and Pocino revealed much about Scatturice’s networks. At the time, he ran a private intelligence firm, C3 Consulting, which served both business clients and foreign intelligence services like the CIA. Many assignments came via intelligence contractor Frank Holder.
In a 2015 interview with Noticias, Holder confirmed the two had collaborated. “What’s your relationship with Leonardo Scatturice? Did he work for you?” he was asked.
“Yes, I know him,” Holder responded. “But he was never my employee, as was claimed. He runs a smaller investigations agency, and I run a bigger one [Berkeley Research Group]. When I have clients with specific needs, I sometimes subcontract smaller firms like his.”
Scatturice’s phone logs also include exchanges with Infobae media mogul Daniel Hadad. The two grew close over time and even went into business together.
In 2017, Scatturice bought a flat in the Continuum South Beach Condo complex from Hadad. The relationship also brought Hadad into contact with Mario De la Fuente, Scatturice’s friend and business partner, now owner of the clothing brand Boken.
De la Fuente, a former Buenos Aires Province police officer, was involved in the 2002 Avellaneda massacre that ended in the deaths of leftist activists Maximiliano Kosteki and Darío Santillán. Years later, he began working with Hadad and eventually became part of the family circle.
Hadad now spends most of his time in Miami, managing the Infobae news portal, Argentina’s most-read news outlet. From there, he also travels frequently to Mexico, though he avoids staying overnight due to threats linked to his reporting on drug cartels. When he visits Mexico City, he uses Scatturice’s jets.
Scatturice currently owns four aviation companies: Surjet, Angel Aviation, Royal Class and Flybondi, the most recent addition, a low-cost carrier active in Argentina. All operate under COC Global, the parent company that also oversees his other ventures: Tactic Global (the lobbying agency), Cisco representative OCP Tech and other firms operating across Ecuador, Colombia, Peru and beyond. In total, his businesses employ around 6,500 people.
Born in Lanús with a gift for personal relations, Scatturice has over the years become a true specialist in gathering intelligence and closing deals. A life lived on the edge eventually pushed him to leave Argentina and rebuild himself abroad.
He is now a millionaire who moves within powerful circles, mixing with Trump. He’s done quite well for himself.
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