Shafaq News
Since Iraq adopted its 2005 constitution, electing the Speaker of the
Council of Representatives has followed a clear constitutional formula: a
secret ballot and an absolute majority of the full parliament. Yet two decades
of parliamentary experience reveal that the process has rarely been
straightforward.
Beneath the legal framework lies a political reality shaped by informal
power-sharing, behind-the-scenes deals, repeated voting rounds, prolonged
deadlock, and, more recently, direct judicial intervention that has ended a
sitting Speaker’s term. The result is a position chosen as much by consensus as
by counting votes.
The Unwritten Pact
Article 55 of the 2005 constitution requires that the Speaker and two
deputies be elected by a direct secret ballot, obtaining an absolute majority
of all lawmakers. The vote occurs during parliament’s first session after
elections, although additional sessions may follow if no candidate achieves the
necessary majority. Quorum itself also demands the presence of an absolute
majority of members.
Legally, the constitution does not refer to sectarian or ethnic
allocation. In practice, however, a post-2003 political convention has taken
hold: the speakership goes to a Sunni Arab, the premiership to Shiite political
forces, and the presidency to Kurdish parties. Though unwritten and
non-binding, this arrangement has become a cornerstone of Iraq’s political
system and has shaped every parliamentary cycle since.
The Magic 165
With the parliament currently composed of 329 seats, electing a Speaker
requires at least 165 votes — half of the total membership, plus one. This
threshold applies regardless of how many lawmakers attend the session, provided
a quorum is met.
In earlier parliamentary terms, the required number varied depending on
the size of parliament at the time. While the constitution sets the voting
threshold, it does not specify runoff procedures, leaving parliament to rely on
political custom. As a result, Speaker elections have often stretched across
multiple rounds or been postponed to later sessions until a candidate finally
secured enough backing.
In December 2023, the Federal Supreme Court intervened, ruling that
parliament is not required to complete the Speaker’s election in its first
session, and that legislative work may continue even if the post remains vacant
— a decision reinforcing institutional continuity during political paralysis.
Read more: Iraq’s new parliament: No bloc can impose, none can be ignored
How Iraq’s Speakers Were Chosen — Term by Term
Transitional National Assembly (2005)
In April 2005, during Iraq’s interim political phase, lawmakers elected
Hajim Al-Hassani as Speaker of the Transitional National Assembly. The vote was
conducted by secret ballot under transitional legal arrangements, before the
permanent constitution came into force. While records confirm the vote-based
process, detailed tallies from that period were not consistently published.
First Constitutional Term (2006–2010)
Parliament elected Mahmoud Al-Mashhadani as Speaker on April 22, 2006,
marking the first speakership under the new constitution. Official data
released by the Parliament media office indicated that he secured around 159
votes out of a 275-seat parliament, exceeding the absolute majority required at
the time.
His tenure was turbulent, marked by repeated disputes inside parliament,
suspended sessions, and political tension. In December 2008, Al-Mashhadani
resigned before completing the term.
What followed was one of parliament’s earliest tests of fragmentation.
With the same 275-seat chamber unable to agree on a successor, multiple
attempts to elect a new Speaker failed over several months. It was only on
April 19, 2009, after delayed sessions and repeated voting rounds, that
lawmakers elected Ayad Al-Samarrai. He secured 153 votes out of 232 MPs present
— as 43 lawmakers did not attend — ending the deadlock and illustrating how
fragmentation could stall even constitutionally defined processes.
Second Constitutional Term (2010–2014)
The 2010 elections brought a reformed parliament of 325 seats, raising
the absolute majority threshold accordingly. On November 11, 2010, parliament
elected Osama Al-Nujaifi as Speaker with a decisive 227 votes. His election
formed part of a broader political deal that ended months of gridlock after the
March 2010 elections.
Unlike his predecessors, Al-Nujaifi completed the full term, reflecting
a period when cross-bloc consensus translated into institutional stability.
Third Constitutional Term (2014–2018)
The same 325-seat structure carried into the 2014–2018 parliamentary
term. In July 2014, lawmakers elected Salim Al-Jubouri as Speaker with 194
votes, backed by broad support from major parliamentary blocs. His tenure
unfolded during a period of acute national security challenges, yet the
speakership itself remained stable throughout the term — another instance where
political agreement shielded the institution from disruption.
Fourth Constitutional Term (2018–2022)
Ahead of the 2018 vote, an electoral reform expanded parliament to 329
seats, increasing the absolute majority requirement. This election ushered in a
more fractured parliament, and early sessions failed to produce agreement on a
Speaker. On September 15, 2018, after multiple rounds of voting, Mohammed
Al-Halbousi was elected with 169 votes, becoming the youngest figure to occupy
the post.
Fifth Constitutional Term (2022–2025)
When the newly elected 329-seat parliament convened on January 9, 2022,
lawmakers re-elected Al-Halbousi for a second term. He secured 200 votes in the
first round — a result widely attributed to renewed political understanding
among major blocs.
That stability proved short-lived. On November 14, 2023, the Federal
Supreme Court terminated Al-Halbousi’s parliamentary membership over a legal
case involving allegations of forging a lawmaker’s resignation letter, which he
denied. This decision created an unprecedented situation: a sitting Speaker
removed by judicial order, leaving the post vacant as a deputy speaker presided
over sessions.
After nearly a year of political stalemate, parliament re-elected
Mahmoud Al-Mashhadani on October 31, 2024. He won 182 votes, following multiple
rounds in which no candidate initially reached the absolute majority. His
return underscored two enduring features of Iraq’s parliamentary life:
prolonged deadlock during periods of fragmentation, and a tendency to fall back
on experienced figures when consensus proves elusive.
Sixth Constitutional Term (2025–)
With Iraq concluding its sixth parliamentary elections on 11 November
2025, the newly elected legislature now faces the task of selecting its next
parliament speaker. Following the elections, Sunni blocs sought to consolidate
their influence by forming the National Political Council (NPC) — an umbrella framework
intended to unify major Sunni players like the Coordination Framework (CF),
which functions among Shiite factions.
The NPC brings together a wide range of Sunni forces, including the
Taqaddum Party (Progress) led by former Speaker Al-Halbousi, the Al-Azm Party
(Determination) headed by Muthanna Al-Samarrai, the Sovereignty Alliance
(Al-Siyada) under Khamis Al-Khanjar, as well as the Al-Hasm National Alliance
and the Al-Jamaheer Al-Wataniya Party.
Despite this appearance of unity, long-standing rivalries remain
unresolved. Taqaddum emerged from the elections as the largest Sunni bloc with
27 deputies and is pushing to reclaim the speakership. Al-Azm, which secured 15
seats and has frequently clashed with Al-Halbousi, continues to be a major
obstacle.
Other contenders have also emerged, including former Education Minister
Mohammed Tamim, Defense Minister Thabet Al-Abbasi, MP Salem Al-Issawi, and MP
Mahmoud Al-Qaisi.
The path to electing a speaker is further complicated under the new
parliamentary arithmetic. Failing to secure the 165 votes required could delay
the decision to be taken in the first parliamentary session scheduled for 29
December or force Sunni blocs into last-minute compromises that reshape the
distribution of committee chairs and ministerial portfolios.
If the Sunni component fails to coalesce around a single speaker, the
parliament cannot begin normal legislative work, and the presidency vote may be
postponed. At the same time, other components — Shiites and Kurds — cannot
constitutionally impose a speaker from outside the Sunni community, even if
they hold enough votes.
The likely outcome is either a forced Sunni–Sunni compromise or a return
to the model used in 2018 and 2022: a cross-component deal in which the CF and
Kurdish blocs guide Sunnis toward a single acceptable choice. Should Sunni
rivalry intensify, some blocs might attempt to advance a surprise Sunni
candidate supported by non-Sunni forces, but this carries the risk of
significant political backlash within the Sunni Street.
A Fragile Balance
Across five parliamentary terms, a consistent pattern has emerged. While
the constitutional rules governing the speakership have remained unchanged, the
outcomes have depended almost entirely on political alignments.
When major blocs reached early agreements — as in 2010, 2014, and early
2022 — the election of the Speaker proceeded swiftly. By contrast, when
fragmentation prevailed, the process dragged on, as seen in 2009, 2018, and
2024. Judicial intervention, once considered unthinkable, has become a
recurring factor, culminating in the termination of Al-Halbousi’s mandate in
2023.
As Iraq approaches the first parliamentary session on 29 December, the
new term is poised to test once again the delicate balance between
constitutional procedure and political bargaining in one of the country’s most
contested parliamentary posts.
Read more: New term, new battle: Six candidates chase Iraq’s speakership
Written and edited by Shafaq News staff.
